Military chiefs to discuss support for Riyadh; Islamabad and Ankara have not announced direct combat involvement in Yemen

ISLAMABAD/ANKARA/RIYADH (Nazrana Times) — Pakistan, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia are moving into a critical phase of consultations under their newly signed Makkah Joint Defence Agreement, with military chiefs set to discuss possible support for Riyadh following an escalation in attacks by Yemen’s Houthi movement.

The talks represent one of the most significant tests yet of the trilateral defence arrangement signed in Makkah on August 7, 2026. However, neither Pakistan nor Türkiye has announced a decision to undertake direct combat operations against the Houthis, making a distinction between political and defence commitments to Saudi Arabia and actual entry into the Yemen conflict important. 

Makkah Joint Defence Agreement Faces Major Test

Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif signed the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement on August 7.

Under its central collective-defence provision, an armed attack against any one of the three states is to be regarded as an attack against all three. The agreement also provides for expanded defence cooperation and is intended to strengthen collective deterrence. 

Despite comparisons with NATO’s Article 5 principle, the agreement should not simply be described as a NATO-style automatic war mechanism. The publicly released text establishes collective defence commitments but does not itself spell out that every attack automatically requires identical military action by all three countries.

Türkiye has also stressed that the pact is not directed against a particular state. Erdoğan said after its signing that the agreement reaffirmed the right of self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter and “targets no country.” Pakistan has similarly described the arrangement as defensive. 

Houthi Attacks Increase Pressure on Alliance

The consultations come as Houthi missile and drone attacks against Saudi Arabia have intensified, raising questions about how the three countries will translate their collective-security commitments into practical assistance.

Reuters reported on September 25 that Saudi, Pakistani and Turkish military chiefs were due to discuss assistance for the kingdom as it confronts Houthi attacks. The latest escalation has placed the recently created defence framework under pressure much sooner than anticipated. 

The broader Yemen conflict has deep roots. Saudi Arabia intervened militarily in Yemen in 2015 as leader of a coalition supporting the internationally recognised Yemeni government. Fighting eased significantly after a UN-mediated truce in 2022, although no comprehensive political settlement followed.

Renewed Houthi military activity has now pushed Yemen and Red Sea security back toward the centre of regional diplomacy.

Military Chiefs Called for Urgent Consultations

The three countries have moved toward high-level military consultations to consider what assistance Saudi Arabia may require.

Türkiye’s Chief of General Staff, General Selçuk Bayraktaroğlu, was reported to be travelling to Saudi Arabia for the talks. Pakistani participation is also part of the trilateral consultation process. 

The military discussions follow consultations among senior Saudi, Pakistani and Turkish officials as the three governments consider how the new pact should operate during an active regional security crisis.

The central issue is therefore no longer merely the political significance of the agreement, but the practical meaning of collective defence: whether assistance would involve air-defence cooperation, intelligence and technical support, logistics, other military assistance, or potentially a wider role.

No decision on Pakistani or Turkish direct combat operations against the Houthis had been publicly confirmed in the reporting reviewed for this article as of September 25.

Türkiye Signals Readiness to Help — But Stops Short of Combat Commitment

Ankara has publicly indicated that it is prepared to respond to Saudi military requirements under the agreement.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan has said Saudi Arabia could have military needs resulting from the Houthi attacks and that Türkiye could help address some of those requirements, particularly technical ones.

That position represents significant defence backing for Riyadh, but it should not be interpreted as confirmation that Turkish forces will enter combat operations in Yemen. Reuters reported earlier this month that Ankara was prepared to assist Saudi Arabia militarily under the pact while continuing to emphasise diplomacy and regional de-escalation. 

Pakistan Reaffirms Commitment to Saudi Security

Pakistan has likewise repeatedly emphasised its commitment to Saudi Arabia’s security while avoiding a publicly confirmed announcement of direct operations against the Houthis.

The question carries particular significance for Islamabad because the Makkah agreement formally states that an armed attack on one signatory is considered an attack on all three.

Pakistan’s official account of the August 7 summit said the pact was designed to strengthen collective deterrence and expand defence cooperation among Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye. 

The practical extent of Pakistan’s support, however, remains dependent on decisions taken through consultations among the three governments and their military leadership.

Houthis Warn Pakistan and Türkiye

Houthi officials have meanwhile warned Pakistan and Türkiye against joining military operations against them.

Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a senior figure in the Houthi political structure, has publicly warned both governments of retaliation if they become militarily involved on Saudi Arabia’s side. 

Those statements add another layer of risk for Islamabad and Ankara as they determine how far their obligations to Riyadh extend under the new agreement.

A Difficult Strategic Calculation

For Pakistan and Türkiye, the Riyadh consultations involve more than a straightforward interpretation of the pact.

Both countries maintain their own regional relationships and security priorities. Türkiye is simultaneously a NATO member and an increasingly important defence-industrial power, while Pakistan has longstanding security relations with Saudi Arabia as well as important ties with other states across the region.

Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, is seeking to strengthen regional defence partnerships as the security environment surrounding the Gulf and Red Sea becomes increasingly volatile.

The Makkah agreement itself is still relatively new. Its first committee-level consultations were being organised only weeks after its signing, underscoring how quickly regional developments have forced the three governments to consider how the pact should function in practice. 

What Comes Next?

Attention will now focus on what emerges from the military consultations.

The most consequential question is whether Pakistan and Türkiye restrict their involvement to defensive, technical, intelligence or logistical assistance, or whether circumstances lead the three governments to consider a broader military response.

Another issue is the institutional development of the Makkah agreement itself. The crisis could accelerate efforts to establish mechanisms for consultation, coordination and implementation that were only beginning to take shape after the pact was signed.

For now, the available evidence points to intensifying military coordination and strong political support for Saudi Arabia — but not a confirmed Pakistani or Turkish decision to enter direct combat against the Houthis. 
 

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